All languages
are cut from the same pattern because they are used by the same species for the
same functions of communication and cognition. When one examine a broad sample
or the languages of the world, it is evident that,for all their variety, human
languages have much in common.
In the years
since 1961, when Greenberg, Orgood and Jenkins organized a pioneering
interdiciplinary conference on the question of the language universal, enough
information on the world’s languages has been accumulated to reveal striking
common patterns (Greenberg, 1978).
Each language
provides conventions for the mapping of communicative intentions onto
utterance- These conventions are constrained, for all languages, by
a)
Human tendencies to think and image in certain ways
b)
Processing demands imposed by a rapidly fading, temporally ordered code.
c)
The nature and goals of human interaction.
A. WAYS OF THINKING
i)
The Sensory-Motor Metaphor
David Mcneill (1975), Charles Osgood (Osgood & Bock,
1977), and others, have argued that the organization of sentences in all
languages is founded on such very basic ways of thinking. Osgood speaks of a
pervasive “naturalness” of the most frequently
used word orders across languages.
Consider, for example, the possible ordering of Subject-Verb-Object.
Of the six possible orders, almost all of the languages of the world use only
one of three as their basic orders (Greenberg, 1963); subject-verb-object (SVO),
subject-object-verb (SOV) and verb-subject-object (VSO).
Similar arguments can be made in regard to other
apparently universal basic orders. For example, it is a well-known fact of
perception that figures tend to stand out against background; figure-ground
orders are basic in linguistic expression. (eg: the book is on the table is a
more natural description than the table is under the book, or on the table is the book). By contrast,
some types of expression do not have universal order constraints and again a
psycholinguistic argument can be offered.
In speaking, of such matters as time and abstract ideas,
the languages of the world use metaphors based on the human body, located in
space, acting on physical object, looking ahead, and moving forward. Thus, we
can speak of looking forward to tomorrow, meeting on Wednesday,
getting through the weak, having giving taking and losing time
and so on.
In the domain of mental experience, we seem to think of
the mind as a container filled with ideas and emotion as object –object which
themselves can have physical characteristics: filled with grief,
full of ideas, grasp and idea, a thorny problem, a hairy theory.
Abstract idea can also be treated as object of manipulation: the plan
slipped through my fingers; she held onto that hope, or mental contents can
themselves become animate subject: that idea really grabs me.
Such physical metaphors have grammatical concequence. For
example, preposition which express spatial relations can also be used
temporally (as on Wednesday); nouns which refer to ideas or events can be
treated as object nouns or as animate nouns.
ii)
The Expression of Complexity
In each case, the plural is longer than the singular. In
English, a final consonant is added, in Turkish, a whole syllable; in Arabic an
infixed syllable. In a sense, these forms can be looked upon as physical
metaphors: more thing, more sounds. Herbert and Eve Clark (1977, chapter 14;
1978) propose that there is more at work here than simply a physical metaphor. They
advance a general principle: “ Complexity of thought tends to be reflected in
complexity of expression” (Clark & Clark, 1977, p. 523).
The examples below show the various ways of negating in
english:
affirmative negative
The
book is here The
book is not here
Ellen
has some money Ellen doesn’t
have any money
tie untie
confirm disconfirm
ever never
one none
A state is less complex than a change of state. This is
reflected in linguistic complexity.
state change
of state
solid solidify
black blacken
long lengthen
legal legalize
In raising the issue of complexity, we have touched upon
the role of processing constraints. Presumably, things which are closest to the
self and which are spoken of most frequently come to be expressed with the
least complexity because of matter of efficiency.
B.
PROCESSING CONSTRAINSTS
In surveying a large and varied sample of the languages
of the world, Greenberg (1963), and others after him, have found curious gaps in the possible combinations of
grammatical features which make up a language. As illustration, the basic word
order of a language is closely tied to the possible positioning of other
sentence elements, besides simple subject, verb and object.
Certainly
one could devise a language of each of the six types; Indeed, the cells with
small numbers indicate that the unusual types are not completely impossible. But
figures like these lead one to look for some sort of psycholinguistic
explanation. Consider the two extreme cases, verb-initial and verb-final
languages. An “adposition” (that is, a pre- or postposition) functions rather
like a verb, in that it relates other elements in a sentence to one another: On
relates snow to house in a spatial framework; after relates leaving to the
meeting in a temporal sense. In similar fashion, fell relates snow to its final
location on the house, and left relates Rebecca to the time after the meeting. If
we speak a language in which we are accustomed to placing the verb at the end
of the sentence, after mentioning the participants in the relationship described
by the verb, it is then consistent to also place the adposition at the end of
its phrase, after mentioning the participants in the relationship described by
adposition.
C.
DISCOURSE CONSTRAINTS
In reading through the literature of linguistics and
psycholinguistic, one can easily get the impression that a sentence is an
entity which functions to prove a linguistic point or to measure an
experimental subjects’s response. However, almost all of the sentences which
have ever occured in the world have been spoken in the context of other
sentences in an ongoing interaction between people who alternate as speakers
and hearers. This most basic function of human language cannot help but
determine the form of the linguistic code.
The basic assumption of the listener is that he will be
guided from what he already knows to what he does not know. Accordingly,
sentences tend to begin with stating a definite topic which is given or known,
and move on to present new information as comment. Givon (1975, p. 76) presents
this as a universal word order principle “That the leftmost constituent is the
more topical one, i.e, the one more likely to not constitute new information,
while the rightmost constituent is the focus for the new information”.
For example, in English, we have special grammatical
means to bring focused information to the front of the sentence, using such
means as stress (THAT professor I wouldn’t trust), topicalization (as for Jones
that I wouldn’t trust, Jones is not to be trusted). Beginnings and ends of
temporal units seem to have special attention value to human perceivers, and
languages are constructed to exploid this tendency by favoring these positions
to signal special features of message. We have just noted the use of first
position, plus grammatical signals, to convey special emphasis or attention.
In sum, as we come to understand more of the functional pressures on
language, we will be better able to account for the particular form that human
language has taken.
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